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Interview with Robert Goebbels, MEP from Luxembourg Mizzima - 6 July 2010 Robert Goebbels is an MEP in the Socialist and Democrat Group of the European Parliament. He discusses sanctions and policy towards Burma/Myanmar. "I am personally against any policies based on sanctions; history has shown that they never work. The imposition of restrictions only serves the EU to give itself a good conscience. First of all, restrictions rarely hit the ruling elites. Cuba, Iraq and now Iran have evidenced how, in the end, this type of embargoes only disrupts ordinary people. Furthermore, I seriously doubt that sanctions could ever prove conductive [conducive] to bring about change in any way."
Timber industry body works to counter falling teak output Myanmar Times - 5-11 July 2010 Evidence of US and EU sanctions affecting timber production, which declined from 3.45 million cubic metres in FY 2008-2009 to 3.18 million cubic metres in FY 2009-2010 (to end March 2010). Myanmar is however keen to reduce exports of timber in log form in order to secure added value through home processing, but this requires increases foreign investment, improved technology and better training, in which ASEAN could assist.
Offering trade benefits for more inclusive sanctions Institute for Security and Development Policy - 2 June 2010 Agnes Frittin and Nilas Swanström argue that following the elections (on 7 November 2010), the EU must be prepared to respond to a new government, and to undertake incremental steps in policy development. The GSP option is therefore a concrete possibility to communicate unambiguously that a normalization of relations is possible. For once, the EU would lead the way.
Guernica - June 2010 Joel Whitney interviews Morten Pedersen on the sanctions issue.....
Judgment of the European Court of Justice in re Pye Phyo Tay Za European Court of Justice - 19 May 2010 The application by Pye Phyo Tay Za, the son of Burmese business tycoon Tay Za, before the European Court for the removal of his name from the EU list of sanctioned persons, is (paragraph 190) "dismissed in its entirety"..... European Union, Foreign Policy and Burma Sanctions European Council on Foreign Relations - 25 April 2010 Susi Dennison of the European Council on Foreign Relations examines the conundrum of how best to put pressure on the military regime to institute reform when sanctions do not seem to be working. Letters from Derek Tonkin, Chairman of Network Myanmar, dated 29 March 2010 and highlighting the need for an urgent review of the effectiveness of sanctions, to be publicly released, in view of the extent to which the Burmese people have knowingly been targeted by the European Union's "restrictive measures". Letter to the Rt Hon David Miliband, Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary Letter to Baroness Catherine Ashton, High Representative for Foreign Affairs Corporate Citizenship and the Oil and Gas Sector in Myanmar Nicky Black: University of Waikato New Zealand - Doctoral Thesis in Strategic Management From 2006 to 2009, Nicky Black conducted 125 interviews in 7 countries on the impacts and responsibilities of oil and gas companies in Myanmar. From these interviews she developed an action-oriented theory of corporate citizenship, presented in her Strategic Management PhD thesis. The thesis analyses (i) the drivers for more 'responsible' corporate engagement in Myanmar, (ii) regional differences in corporate engagement, (iii) stakeholder views - including those of Myanmar civil society - on how corporate engagement can be constructive, and (iv) the role of energy security in regional engagement with Myanmar. The research was undertaken with the aim of encouraging constructive corporate engagement in Myanmar, and in other fragile states. As such, the full thesis, and separate chapters are provided for download, so that they may be read as widely as possible. Nicky Black is a Member of the Board of Management of Network Myanmar. The Star Online (Malaysia) - 10 March 2010
Western sanctions that have decimated Myanmar's once-thriving garment sector have led to a rare spate of strikes that have unnerved its military rulers, fearful of civil unrest in the run-up to long-awaited elections. Four South Korean-owned factories were brought to a halt for several days last week and another on Monday by sit-in protests by more than 3,000 workers demanding better working conditions and higher pay, demands owners say they cannot meet. They were among 20 garment factories in the commercial capital, Yangon, that have suffered strikes since Feb. 8. "We are doing our best to help the workers and management negotiate and reach an agreement," a senior Labour Ministry official told Reuters. Institute for Security and Development Policy Stockholm - 20 January 2010
In this analysis, Agnes Frittin, Associate Fellow at ISDP, and Niklas Swanström, Director of ISDP, argue that: "EU sanctions against Myanmar have been a long line of failures, as most sanctions are. What we see today in Myanmar is not a weakened government and political change, but stronger governmental control of resources and people, and increased interaction with, and influence of primarily China, but also India, Thailand, Russia and other actors, with the marginalization of European inter-action and influence. This was not what the EU sought. An open-minded analysis needs to be made by the EU regarding the continuation of the its sanctions policy."
Note by Network Myanmar: The authors posit alternative policies in order to promote European interests and universal values. A perceptive and responsible analysis, proposing a pro-active approach to improving human rights in Myanmar.
Burmese Perspectives - 2 February 2010
An enquiry into the case of the guild of eight goldsmiths and silversmiths in Pakokku who are the subject of "restrictive measures" by the European Union, for no apparent reason
Signs of Myanmar's emergence from diplomatic isolation The International Institute for Strategic Studies - October 2009 New signs have appeared in recent months that Myanmar could be attempting to shed its pariah status and to engage with the United States and Europe in a broad, though tentative, dialogue. There is growing recognition in the West that 12 years of American and European sanctions have failed either to alter the domestic behaviour of the regime or to prevent the country from becoming a source of regional concern. A combination of global, regional and internal factors has triggered a series of diplomatic initiatives designed to explore whether there could be a negotiated solution to the long stand-off. With elections due in 2010, the next 18 months will mark a significant chapter in Myanmar’s political evolution. The article also contains an analysis of the highly counterproductive nature of sanctions. "A combination of global, regional and internal factors is prompting Western governments to reconsider the efficacy of their sanctions, which bar most Burmese exports and seek to place travel and financial restrictions on leading members of the military, as well as their business associates. To any visitor to Myanmar, the country appears to be an object lesson in the unintended consequences of sanctions. The measures are neither comprehensive nor universally upheld. Since neighbouring countries have not added to them, the regime does not lack for alternatives. Sanctions have therefore not damaged the security or economic interests of Myanmar’s decision-making class, which can pursue economic interests and educate their children in regional hubs such as Singapore, Bangkok, Beijing and Hong Kong. The attempt to choke off legitimate trade and commercial ties with the West has helped to create a highly profitable, illegitimate trade in Myanmar’s key natural resources, enabling a ‘crony class’ relying on ties to the generals to secure assets - such as teak, natural gas, precious stones and drugs - and trade them with neighbouring countries. Thus, an important lesson is that Western sanctions on a resource-rich country will place no pressure on it to alter its behaviour if neighbours actively seek to trade with it. Sanctions have been effective in reinforcing the regime’s isolationist tendencies, in reducing Western influence and in undermining the commercial middle class. A visitor can only conclude that they have enabled the least accountable, most corrupt elements of the business community to thrive, while holding back the professional, managerial and entrepreneurial classes. Sanctions on the manufacturing, textile and rice sectors have cost tens of thousands of jobs and undermined legitimate businessmen. A further risk of sanctions is that, by adding to poverty and reducing capacity-building opportunities, they increase dependency on foreign aid, leaving Western powers attempting to ameliorate conditions created by their own measures."
"Balkan Disaster" - a former British Diplomat on the Limits of Sanctions Charles Crawford.biz - 7 March 2008 A former British diplomat ponders on the limits of sanctions and diplomacy with reference particularly to former Yugoslavia, but with insights which have particular relevance to Myanmar today. Sanctions versus Engagement : Leave or Stay? Energies No. 16: Total Corporate Communications Division - Autumn 2009 When the United States began re-examining certain principles that had guided its foreign policy for decades, it re-opened the debate on the effectiveness of sanctions and engagement policies imposed on States vilified by a section of the international community. But when companies must decide whether to stay or go, they also have something to say and a role to play in the debate.
Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell on the "Modest Inconveniences" of sanctions Burmese Perspectives - 24 October 2009 French Foreign Minister admits that sanctions are useless French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner floated the idea Wednesday of holding direct talks with the Burmese junta after acknowledging that sanctions had yielded no results."There is an idea that is new out there," Kouchner told the French Parliament's foreign relations committee. "Sanctions are useless and everyone recognises that. Should we not then show a greater openness to this government?" he said. Kouchner noted that the US administration of President Barack Obama was reviewing its approach and considering a new strategy to engage Burma. "Maybe we would be more useful if we took part?" Kouchner asked. Note by Network Myanmar. The official report of the meeting reads: "Mme Aung San Suu Kyi vient en effet de se voir signifier une peine supplémentaire de prison destinée à l'écarter d’une campagne électorale qui pourrait déboucher, si le scrutin n'était pas truqué, sur une victoire de la Ligue démocratique. Que peut-on faire, en dehors de quelques aides ponctuelles ? Nous avons beaucoup discuté à New York, où est apparue chez nos partenaires l'idée un peu nouvelle que les sanctions ne servent à rien - il est vrai que tout a été fait en dehors d'une action qui affecterait les comptes des généraux dans les banques de Singapour – et qu'il faudrait peut-être faire preuve d'une plus grande ouverture envers ce gouvernement. Conformément à la volonté de M. Obama d'ouvrir le dialogue sur tous les fronts, les Américains semblent prêts à s'engager dans cette direction." Our own unofficial translation of this record is: "Mme Aung San Suu Kyi has indeed just found herself sentenced to a further term of imprisonment which would remove her from an electoral campaign which could lead, if the voting is not rigged, to a victory for the National League for Democracy. What can we do, apart from providing some timely aid? We discussed this a lot in New York, where the rather new idea came to our partners that sanctions are useless - it is true that everything has been done apart from action which would affect the accounts of the generals in Singapore banks - and that we should perhaps try a greater opening up towards this government. Following the willingness of Mr Obama to open a dialogue on every front, the Americans seem ready to engage in this direction." Trade in Burmese Rubies and Jadeite Report by the US Government Accountability Office of 30 September 2009 In their Report required by the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act in 2008 to assess the effectiveness of the section of the Act prohibiting the import of Burmese origin jadeite, rubies and related jewellery, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) concludes that, while US Agencies have taken "some steps" to implement the Act, "serious impediments remain" to restricting the trade. On the international level, US Agencies would seem to have underperformed in every respect. No UN General Assembly Resolution has been attempted, because it would be sure to fail; no waiver has been sought from the World Trade Organisation (WTO) because that too could founder and could leave the US exposed to challenge; no international meetings have been called to discuss a global arrangement similar to the Kimberley Process for restricting trade in diamonds as there would seem to be no international support. The GAO also noted that virtually all the jadeite (a relatively rare and high-quality form of jade) mined in the Kachin State of Myanmar is sold at Government auctions in Rangoon and exported to China where the price continues to rise, while most Burmese rubies are sent overland to Thailand for processing and only some highest-quality stones are actually sold at Government auctions. Thai jewellery sources claim that exports of jewellery to the US are declining mainly as a result of the JADE Act and that there have been significant cutbacks in the Thai jewellery industry, estimated at between 100,000 and 120,000 Thai workers employed. Some representatives of the US and foreign jewellery trade have said that "US import restrictions have little impact on the military regime and negatively impact small-scale miners and traders in Burma and jewellery workers in Thailand." The negative assessment of the international implications is shared by the US State Department who in a letter appended to the Report note that the characteristics of the trade make implementation of the ban in the US and on an international scale "logistically difficult, cumbersome and possibly expensive" and that a world-wide consensus on such a ban is clearly lacking. In a related recommendation, the Report calls on US Agencies "to analyze the efficacy, challenges, and difficulties faced in implementing measures to restrict trade in Burmese-origin rubies, jadeite, and related jewelry in the context of the broader U.S. sanctions provisions in the JADE Act, and report to Congress how these measures will contribute to its efforts to influence the military regime in Burma." How indeed! [Comment by Network Myanmar: The GAO Report highlights the wishful thinking of the legislators in placing requirements for international action on US Government Agencies which stand no chance of success and which it would be foolish even to attempt, while at the same time pressing for so-called "targeted" sanctions which either have not the slightest effect on the regime (sales of jadeite to China) or in some measure impact the very people who were not intended targets (small-scale Burmese miners and Thai workers in the jewellery industry). There is however no doubt that the military regime and its agencies generally control the ruby trade and this is insufficiently highlighted in the Report. On reflection, the JADE Act ("Junta's Anti-Democratic Efforts") would seem to have been something of a damp squib and certainly a serious misnomer. RUBY Act might have been more appropriate, in which the "R" for Regime and the "B" for Burma might suggest the basis of an alternative appellation, which we leave to our readers.] Aung San Suu Kyi writes to junta on sanctions Channel News Asia - 26 September 2009 Detained Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has written to the chief of the ruling junta with suggestions about how to get Western sanctions lifted, her lawyer said on Saturday. The move represents a change of heart for the Nobel Peace Laureate, who has previously espoused punitive measures against the military regime as a way of pushing for democratic reform in the Southeast Asian nation. "Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has written a letter to Senior General Than Shwe regarding her thinking on the lifting of sanctions that have been imposed on the country," her lawyer Nyan Win told AFP. "In the letter, she submits her thinking about what must be implemented for sanctions to be lifted," said Nyan Win, who is also the spokesman for her National League for Democracy (NLD). Nyan Win would not give further details about what the suggestions were, saying that they were waiting for the letter to be formally received by the government. Suu Kyi changes stance on Myanmar Sanctions CNN.com - 25 September 2009 Suu Kyi has drafted a direct letter to Myanmar's military leader, Senior General Than Shwe, in which she says she will cooperate on getting the sanctions lifted, said her spokesman and lawyer U Nyan Win. He said he spent about an hour working with her on the letter describing her "new thinking" toward sanctions. The letter will be officially submitted to the military leader in a few days. Suu Kyi wants to know how many sanctions have been imposed on Myanmar and how many of them are having a negative impact on the people, Nyan Win said. In the drafted letter, she also said she wants to hear the opinions of other countries through their ambassadors based in Myanmar. [Note by Network Myanmar: Despite requests by the European Parliament and national parliamentary committees in Europe, EU Governments, both individually and collectively, have hitherto declined to make public any assessment of the effectiveness of their sanctions, no doubt because such assessments, if honestly and independently prepared, would highlight how counterproductive sanctions have been and the extent to which supposedly "smart" sanctions against the regime and its cronies have invariably hit the population at large. See in particular "Sanctions against Myanmar: Profit and Loss Account" ] Suu Kyi ready to talk sanctions with junta Earth Times - 25 September 2009 Suu Kyi has indicated that she is not opposed to Western sanctions against Myanmar, one of her major bargaining chips against the regime, being lifted, as long as there is "engagement" on both sides. In her letter to Than Shwe, Suu Kyi said it was necessary to discuss three points - which countries have imposed economic sanctions on Myanmar, the impact of the sanctions and why they were imposed. Economic sanctions have been imposed on Myanmar since 1988, when the military brutally cracked down on pro-democracy demonstrations, leaving an estimated 3,000 people dead. [Note by Network Myanmar: It is not yet clear whether this letter is a formal response to SPDC Announcement No. 1 of 4 October 2007 to which no response is thought to have been sent. The text will be published if and when available.] Effects on Burmese living standard Derek Tonkin (Chairman Network Myanmar) The Japan Times 6 September 2009 Derek Tonkin argues that if you take "sanctions" to include the serious interruption of bilateral aid programs to Myanmar from 1988 onward and the simultaneous blocking by the West of all funding from international financial institutions (IFIs) like the IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank, then he is more inclined to agree with Brahma Chellaney than with Donald Seekins. Because of these particular sanctions, Myanmar found itself at the bottom of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development's list of 38 "fragile states" in 2007, with only $4.08 per capita of foreign aid, lower than any other country. This denial of aid from IFIs has bound to have had a direct effect on the living standards of the population, which Seekins might well recognize through his plea for a dramatic increase in humanitarian aid. Sanctions don't impoverish Burma Donald M Seekins (Professor of Southeast Asian Studies, Meio University, Okinawa) The Japan Times 2 September 2009 In his Aug. 29 article, "US should engage Burma", Brahma Chellaney makes some good points concerning U.S. sanctions against the military regime in Burma: that these sanctions have failed in their stated purpose to promote democracy and human rights; that they have increased China's already large influence inside the country; and that they reflect a double standard - why trade with China, but not with Burma? But he is mistaken to assume that it is "U.S.-led sanctions" that have made Burma's people among the poorest in Asia. Responsibility for that rests squarely with Than Shwe and his fellow generals, who have squandered funds on new weapons purchased abroad and on the costly new capital city at Naypyidaw, rather than investing in health, education and other improvements in the people's standard of living. Their management of the economy has been grossly incompetent, including a complex and counterproductive system of multiple currency exchange rates and a complete lack of the rule of law in business as well as in other spheres of life. Brahma Chellaney (Professor of Strategic Studies at the Centre for Policy Research) The Japan Times - 29 August 2009 Brahma Chellaney writes: "The Obama administration is doing the right thing by exploring the prospect of a gradual U.S. engagement with Burma, with American diplomats holding two separate meetings with the Burmese foreign minister in recent months. Webb's Burma mission was a big boost in that direction. Webb, who heads the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia and Pacific Affairs, held separate face-to-face discussions with the junta's top leader, Gen. Than Shwe, and Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein. He also was allowed to meet Suu Kyi, just weeks after U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki Moon had been denied such a meeting. In fact, after Suu Kyi was convicted of violating the terms of her house detention by sheltering the American intruder, the junta instantly commuted her sentence to allow her to return to her villa and not spend time in a jail. If Suu Kyi were to reverse her decision to boycott next year's national elections, the generals might even be willing to lift her house detention. In any case, Suu Kyi remains free to leave the country, but on a one-way ticket. US could pressure Myanmar with bank sanctions Associated Press - 22 December 2009
Burmese people suffer brunt of US sanctions on Myanmar Michael Lwin World Focus - 17 December 2009
The EU's learning curve heralds beginning of end of sanctions Ahto Lobjakas Radio Free Europe - 28 October 2009 Who(m) do we hurt when we boycott Burma? Kyaw Lyaw New Matilda - 15 October 2009 Rethinking the Burmese sanctions Nicholas Farrelly Inside.org - 12 October 2009 Sanctions against Burma not working Karen Connelly (Author of Burmese lessons - a love story) The Star (Malaysia) - 29 September 2009 Senator Mitch McConnell Straits Times - 30 September 2009 Reconsider sanctions, say businesses and workers Ye Lwin (Correspondent) Myanmar Times - 31 August to 6 September 2009 US reignites the debate over Myanmar sanctions Miscellaneous IRIN Asia - 3 September 2009 Brahma Chellaney (Professor of Strategic Studies at the Centre for Policy Research) The Japan Times - 29 August 2009 Sanctions - a stumbling block for Burma Mungpi Mizzima - 18 August 2009 Suu Kyi open to lifting sanctions, Senator says Grant Peck Associated Press - 18 August 2009 Simon Roughneen Asia Times - 17 August 2009 Sanctions aren't going to bust Burma Adrian Hamilton The Indepedent - 13 August 2009 Western sanctions are doing nothing for the people of Burma Thomas Bell The Daily Telegraph - 12 August 2009 Total targeted in debate over Myanmar sanctions Herve Rouach Yahoo Finance/AFP - 12 August 2009 Sanctions against Myanmar: Profit and Loss Account Derek Tonkin Burmese Perspectives - 5 July 2009 Analysis: Why sanctions aren't working Pauline Chiou CNN.com/asia - 3 July 2009 Myanmar sanctions not helping, says Thai PM Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva Daily Times (Pakistan) - 27 June 2009 The case against Myanmar sanctions Arno Kopecky (Freelance Journalist based in Vancouver) The Globe and Mail - 20 June 2009 Editorial The Guardian - 14 May 2009 Stanley A Weiss (Founding Chairman of Business Executives for National Security) New York Times - 20 February 2009 "We did not ask for sanctions" [NLD Policy] Derek Tonkin (Chairman Network Myanmar) Burmese Perspectives - 9 December 2008 Alyson Warhurst (Chair of Strategy and International Development at Warwick Business School UK) BusinessWeek - 11 August 2008 "How European Sanctions target the population of Myanmar" Derek Tonkin (Chairman Network Myanmar) Burmese Perspectives - 29 November 2007 Myanmar: the Quest for Effective Sanctions and the Law of Unintended Consequences Derek Tonkin (Chairman Network Myanmar) Burmese Perspectives - 1 October 2007 There's more to Senator Webb's Burma fizzle than meets the eye - 26 August 2009 The Heritage Foundation - Walter Lohman (Director Asia Studies Center) Walter Lohman observes that: "Senator Webb’s policy suggestions boil down to talking with the junta government, increasing humanitarian aid, and cooperation on the recovery of American World War II remains. Perhaps, he is only being realistic. In the current environment, when Congress has just unanimously approved and the President has signed extensions of sweeping sanctions, he has carefully identified areas where he has some prospect of success. No doubt, he may also be previewing - by design or intuition - the results of the Administration’s Burma policy review. The problem with the Senator’s case is not the specific policy prescriptions he offers, but its faulty assumptions." Mr Lohman then examines these assumptions critically. "We can't afford to ignore Myanmar" - Senator Jim Webb New York Times - 26 August 2009 Senator Webb writes: "For more than 10 years, the United States and the European Union have employed a policy of ever-tightening economic sanctions against Myanmar, in part fueled by the military government’s failure to recognize the results of a 1990 election won by Aung San Suu Kyi’s party. While the political motivations behind this approach are laudable, the result has been overwhelmingly counterproductive. The ruling regime has become more entrenched and at the same time more isolated. The Burmese people have lost access to the outside world." Sanctions - a stumbling block for Burma Mizzima - 18 August 2009 Ohn Kyaing, a spokesperson for the National League for Democracy has said that Aung San Suu Kyi has explicitly denied having commented to the visiting US Senator Webb that she will not oppose the lifting of some of the economic sanctions. “Senator Webb might have misinterpreted Aung San Suu Kyi, because she explicitly denies making any comments that could indicate that she will not oppose lifting sanctions,” Ohn Kyaing said. Aung San Suu Kyi on Monday evening told her party spokesperson Nyan Win, who visited her as her lawyer, to discuss her case, that she had been misinterpreted by Webb. “U Nyan Win had told us that Aung San Suu Kyi is not happy with the comments and feels that she had been misinterpreted wrongly. Sanctions were not called for by her and she has no power to remove it, but she is willing to work together with the ruling junta,” Ohn Kyaing said. Suu Kyi "clarifies" her remarks on sanctions The Irrawaddy - 18 August 2009 Speaking to the Chiang Mai-based The Irrawaddy today, one of Suu Kyi's lawyers, Nyan Win, is reported in the online journal to have said that he had asked Suu Kyi when he met her on Monday 17 August about recent reports in several British newspapers that she had agreed to an overturn of the international tourism boycott on Burma. “She replied that she had not discussed the issue with anyone recently,” Nyan Win said. According to the lawyer, who is also a spokesperson for Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party, Suu Kyi’s stance on sanctions has not changed since she issued a statement in 2007. “Suu Kyi said that as she was not the one who imposed sanctions against the Burmese regime, she is not in a position to lift those sanctions,” he said. [Note by Network Myanmar: Since May 2002, it has indeed been NLD policy to claim that they have never "called for" sanctions, but only "supported them". This was most recently confirmed (see Newsletter at link) in December 2007 when the Deutsche Presse-Agentur reported from Yangon on 9 December 2007: "Burma opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and senior members of her National League for Democracy (NLD) party announced Friday 5 December 2009 that they were in no position to persuade Western governments to drop their sanctions against the country’s junta. 'Sanctions imposed by other countries are not the concern of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It is the concern of the authorities and related countries', said NLD Spokesman Nyan Win, after he and three other NLD members met with Suu Kyi at the government’s Sein Le Kan State Guest House in Rangoon.” The implication of Suu Kyi's latest remarks is that she has once again confirmed that it is not she or the NLD who have called for sanctions and a tourist boycott, but Western Governments who have chosen to impose them. It is accordingly up to Western Governments to decide what to do next as the responsibility lies entirely with them, and not with Suu Kyi or the NLD. It should however be noted that Nyan Win has been reported as showing no interest in Senator Webb's visit from the start, that "The Irrawaddy" is a campaigning anti-regime publication, and that the actual direct expression of Suu Kyi's views is not yet known. Senator Webb has spoken to her directly, so his version of their conversation is awaited with interest.] Thai Prime Minister rejects possible Burma sanctions 20 July 2009 Bangkok Post: Sanctions will not solve problems in Burma and should not be applied, according to Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva. Speaking on his weekly radio and TV programme in his capacity as chairman of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Mr Abhisit yesterday said some Western dialogue partners might want sanctions to be applied against Burma, so all Asean countries should help express Asean's stance against such measures. Thailand is hosting an Asean foreign ministers meeting until Saturday in Phuket. The forum will discuss Burma after the junta barred United Nations secretary-general Ban Ki-moon from meeting jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi during his visit two weeks ago. Interview with Thant Myint-U A wide-ranging interview in Asia Times Online of 4 July 2009 with Thant Myint-U, grandson of former UNSG U Thant. On sanctions: Just over the past few years I think many more Western policymakers have come to the conclusion that sanctions-based approaches just won't work with a regime like Burma's. There has been a willingness to go back to the drawing board and think about fresh approaches. Sanctions are at best ineffective because they are not universal. The government is more than able to survive on just trade and investment from within the region. In the worst case, though sanctions are extremely counter-productive, in that they've held back two forces - American soft power and global capitalism - that could have actually started to change things. I fear the democracy movement has very little hope for success if it's going to fight on the current landscape, that was created and cultivated by the army over decades of fighting. For me, the most important thing is to change the landscape first. The involvement of the West through aid, investment and tourism could be a huge part of changing this landscape. If over the past 20 years, if we hadn't had all these sanctions and boycotts, and and instead had focused on ending the armed conflicts, reforming the economy, and reconnecting Burma to the world, including through global capitalism, I think the pro-democracy movement would be in a much stronger position today. Television Debate 19 May 2009 on the French TV Station France 24 A debate on Myanmar and Sanctions, in French. Participants: Jean-François Lassalle, Director of External Relations of the Total Group, Jean-Marc Daniel, Professor of Economics at the European School of Management (ESCP Europe), Thierry Falise, Journalist based in Bangkok and Isabelle Dubuis, Co-ordinator Info-Birmanie. Click here for Part 1 Click here for Part 2 Sanctions against Myanmar: A Profit and Loss Account - 5 July 2009 British Prime Minister Gordon Brown has responded promptly to the deep disappointment expressed by UNSG Ban Ki-moon over his recent visit to Myanmar by saying that, though he would await Mr Ban's report, if there was no change "my sad conclusion is that the Burmese regime has put increased isolation, including the possibility of further sanctions, on the international agenda". As no Western Government has, over the past twenty years, dared to offer an analysis of the success or failure of their sanctions against Myanmar, we have sought to offer a brief Profit and Loss statement taking all Western policies into account, to guide governments, and notably the EU, on their next moves. Moscow opposed to pressures on Myanmar - Itar-Tass 21 June 2009 Moscow “opposes attempts to internationalize the internal situation in Myanmar, because it does not endanger peace and security in the region and the world at large. In our opinion, the political and economic pressure on that country is counterproductive, as it enhances isolationist feelings of the Myanmar military and exacerbates the socioeconomic position of citizens,” the department said. “We see no reasons why the UN Security Council should discuss Myanmar. At the same time, we call on Myanmar for greater openness and cooperation with the international community, as well as for closer relations with the mission of Special Representative of the UN Secretary General Ibrahim Gambari. We are confident that this negotiating mechanism is useful in building up mutual understanding and confidence between Myanmar and the world,” the department said. Russia hopes that the trial of “Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi will be unbiased, strictly comply with national laws and humanitarian standards, and take into account the international opinion,” the department said. Changing Cuba Policy - in the United States National Interest: 23 February 2009 Staff Trip Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, with a letter of transmittal from Senator Richard D Lugar, Indiana, Ranking Member of the Committee "Economic sanctions are a legitimate tool of US foreign policy, and they have sometimes achieved their aims, as in the case of apartheid South Africa. After 47 years, however, the unilateral embargo on Cuba has failed to achieve its stated objective of 'bringing democracy to the Cuban people' while it may have been used as a foil by the regime to demand further sacrifices from Cuba's impoverished population. The current US policy has many passionate defenders, and their criticsm of the Castro regime is justified.We must recognise, nevertheless, the ineffectiveness of our current policy and deal with the Cuban regime in a way that enhances US interests." Comment: it would seem possible to transpose "Myanmar" for Cuba on almost every page of the Report. A Selection of Studies and Reports on the Impact of Economic Sanctions Peterson Institute for International Economics Case 88.1 - Burma/Myanmar 1988 - 2004 A three page record of the principal sanctions and restrictive measures taken against Myanmar. The period covered is mainly to 2004, but some developments in 2005 and 2006 are also included. The Impact of Economic Sanctions of the Myanmar Garment Industry - Toshihiro Kudo 2008 How European Sanctions target the population of Myanmar - Derek Tonkin 29 November 2007 US Congressional Research Service Report for Congress 4 Octopber 2007 International Crisis Group - Sanctions, Engagement or Another Way Forward: April 2004 National Bureau of Asian Research - Reconciling Burma/Myanmar: March 2004 Promoting Human Rights in Myanmar: A critique of Western Sanctions Policy - Morten B Pedersen - Rowman and Littlefield 2008 ISBN-10 0-7425-5559-3: Limited Preview of Pages US Sanctions against Burma: A Failure on all Fronts - Leon T Hardar Cato Institute March 1998 The Burmese Fairy Tale - Ma Thanegi Far Eastern Economic Review 19 February 1998 EU Legislation purloined Myanmar Yellow Pages When drawing up EU sanctions legislation in February 2008, there is strong evidence that the EU drew uncritically on Burmese trade directories to identify businesses and enterprises in targeted commodity areas. A comparison, for example, of the attached page from Myanmar Yellow Pages Online appears to have been scanned virtually unchanged into EU legislation at the time. The number of iron and steel foundries in both lists is exactly the same - nine enterprises are listed - and the only discernible difference is that the top three in the Yellow Pages list have become the bottom three in the EU legislation list (Nos. 528 - 536). They were in the top three in Yellow Pages because they had taken their own advertisement boxes and so got priority commercial treatment. In all other respects, the EU list is copied word for word, abbreviation for abbreviation, and punctuation mark for punctuation mark. There is no evidence that any of these nine entreprises are owned by State, military or "crony" interests. Other EU legislation lists strongly suggest that they are based on the same edition of Myanmar Yellow Pages Online and that family businesses were transposed uncritically from this edition to EU legislation without any check on whether they were State or non-State, military or non-military, crony or non crony. EU Ministers and senior officials have admitted that they had not realised what was happening. They are however reluctant to redress the clear injustice inflicted in case any reduction in the list of sanctioned businesses and enterprises might "send the wrong message" at the present time and highlight how incompetent both Ministers and senior officials have been. The Yellow Pages used was www.myanmaryellowpages.biz , but there are rival publications such as www.myanmar-yellowpages.com and www.yellowpagesmyanmar.net which have broadly similar trade and business lists. For many Burmese business enterprises, it has been a matter of sheer luck that they did not appear in the "biz" edition but only in the "com" and/or "net" editions, and so escaped the EU razzia. Question (Glenn Kessler - The Washinton Post) : Why do you think that possibly easing sanctions could influence a regime that is impervious to world opinion? And to the Foreign Minister, Indonesia has been a leader on the subject of Burma. What do you think are the necessary next steps? Secretary Clinton: Well, Glenn, I appreciate your asking that question because the Minister and I have had a very positive exchange about the challenges that Burma poses. The unfortunate fact that Burma seems impervious to influence from anyone - and certainly Indonesia and the other ASEAN nations have attempted to intervene with Burma. But we are conducting a review, because we want to see the best ideas about how to influence the Burmese regime. And we are looking at every possible idea that can be presented. East Timor President Ramos-Horta on Sanctions Ramos Horta - Statement in support of a global arms embargo BurmnaNet News - 13 October 2009 It is time for the international community to increase and intensify its efforts. In particular, it is time for the UN Security Council to introduce an arms embargo on the regime. There can be no justification for selling arms to a regime which has no external threats and uses those arms simply to suppress its owns people. As President of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, I therefore call on all members of the UN Security Council to give serious consideration to this question, and to pass a resolution imposing a total, comprehensive, mandatory arms embargo. Ramos Horta in support of the struggle for democracy in Burma The Huffington Post - 19 August 2009 The time has come for more forceful and creative ways of fighting for democracy in Burma. I am opposed to trade embargoes and economic sanctions against developing countries. While sanctions might be politically correct and satisfy our conscience, they are morally less defensible as they impose a harsher burden on an already desperately impoverished people. However, I do not oppose efforts to freeze public and private assets held by the military and their associates in the region. I propose that Burma's membership in the UN and all UN Agencies and ASEAN be suspended; further, all countries must downgrade their diplomatic relations with Burma and allow for no more than one junior official to mind the embassy wherever there is one; Burmese diplomats wishing to defect should be granted asylum; likewise civilian and military personnel wishing to flee Burma should be supported. Major broadcasting institutions like Voice of America, BBC, and others should significantly expand their Burmese language programmes. The World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the International Monetary Fund and UN agencies should, without delay, initiate studies and draft a blue-print for Burma's economic recovery and rebuild its financial system. Ramos-Horta urges Obama to embrace Burma Sydney Morning Herald 26 February 2009 Extracts: East Timor's leader Ramos-Horta said President Obama should seize on the goodwill by ending the sweeping US sanctions on Burma and Cuba - both of which he said are eager to talk to the new US leader. Ramos-Horta voiced optimism over Burma, saying that among the world's hot spots "it is one of the easiest" to resolve. "I know that the junta in Burma is desperate for changes and this is a unique opportunity for the US to engage them," he said. "When you look at the situation in Myanmar (Burma) or Cuba, when you punish a country for the perceived sin of the regime, the consequence is that you also have collateral damage among the people.” José Ramos-Horta, East Timor President, opposes international sanctions on Myanmar Deutsche Presse- Argentur - 11 January 2009 The DPA reports East Timor President Jose Ramos-Horta on 11 January 2009 as saying that the US and European Union should review their policy of imposing economic sanctions on Myanmar as the country's military regime is key to the future stability of any elected government. "If we aren't pragmatic about it there will be no solution in the immediate term or long term......We cannot further punish a collectivity of people because of the perceived sins of their leaders." East Timor President calls for review of Burma sanctions policy The Irrawaddy 12 January 2009 - Horta last visited Myanmar in 2005 and has lent his support to his fellow Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. He said Sunday that Myanmar's long-delayed democratization process would require the participation of the military, which has ruled the country since 1962. "You look at the transition in Thailand, the transition in the Philippines and Indonesia. The military have remained part of society, part of the state and party of the country. If you have a road map which at the end the Burmese military see their interests have been preserved, they might find some incentive. Assuming the military cedes power, no elected civilian leader in Myanmar can survive without the full support of the military." José Ramos-Horta opposes sanctions against Myanmar Democratic Voice of Burma: 4 March 2005 Horta made clear that he is against the sanctions imposed on Burma by Western countries. "The best way for Myanmar is to drop the sanctions, open up the country. Let tourists flock to Myanmar. Let foreign investments pour into Myanmar." Interview with José Ramos-Horta The Irrawaddy: 8 April 2004 I am always ambivalent about economic sanctions. In certain circumstances, I believe that financial economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation are the moral equivalent of waging a war. The difference is only that while a war kills people immediately. Economic and financial sanctions often cause death, but it is invisible because it happens more slowly. The poorest are the ones that are affected most, through impoverishment and the lack of access to medicine and other basic benefits from the state. When a regime is punished with sanctions it is not willing to take money out of its budget for the army to make up for the loss in social sectors. So there will be less money for education, for poverty alleviation and so on. In the case of a country like Burma, I wonder whether these economic sanctions, particularly the ones imposed on exports, are really not hurting the very poor in Myanmar. The international community faces a dilemma in the face of this kind of regime. Failing all efforts to induce them to change, if we also say no to sanctions then what is left? On the other hand, I believe that while sanctions may have a limited impact in punishing a particular regime, it might punish the common people more and it might not induce the changes. Recent Developments Straits Times 29 April 2009 AFP reports that in a letter to Representative Peter King (New York 3rd District), Assistant Secretary for Legislative Affairs Richard Verma assured Mr King that "the sanctions that the US and other countries maintain against the regime are an important part of our efforts to support change in Burma. While we are currently reviewing our policy, we can assure you that we remain committed to delivering a firm message on the need for real reform, including the initiation of a credible and inclusive dialogue with the democratic opposition and the release of political prisoners." EU renews sanctions against Myanmar for another 12 months EU Statement 27 April 2009 The European Council stated on 27 April 2009 that they "deem it necessary to extend the current EU Common Position by another year, including the restrictive measures. The Council underlines its readiness to revise, amend or reinforce the measures it has already adopted in light of developments on the ground. The Council reiterates that the EU stands ready to respond positively to genuine progress in Burma/Myanmar. The EU remains open to dialogue with the authorities of Burma/Myanmar and is willing to meet them at ministerial level in the margins of the ASEM Foreign Ministers Meeting in Hanoi in May 2009." Non-political" group to assess sanctions - Burma Net 8 April 2009 US Senate to review Burma Policy - Radio Free Asia 8 April 2009 A source cloose to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee reports that the Committee is set to launch a review of US policy towards Myanmar designed to examine how the Western aim to spur democratization might be made more effective. The review might take three to four months and recommendations could be ready by the autumn. One aim would be to improve international cooperation and through contacts with both the military regime and Myanamr's neighbours to seek to agree on an agenda for change. The source noted however that there was "no appetite to lift sanctions" without a serious move by the regime to free political prisoners and expand the political process. US Congressmen cautious over lifting sanctions The Irrawaddy 4 April 2009 Lalit Jha reports from Washington that seventeen Congressmen have expressed concern in a letter to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton that the Obama administration might be considering the lifting of sanctions against Myanmar. They also called for the appointment of a US special coodinator as mandated by the Tom Lantos Block Burmese Jade Act. Senator Jim Webb however is reported as telling the US Council on Foreign Relations that he favoured a new approach of engagement towards Myanmar with the aim of lifting sanctions. [Senator Webb's views may be viewed at the Council on Foreign Relations video-cast at reference, from about 9.05 minutes to about 11.45 minutes.] When Western good intentions lead to failure New Straits Times (Malaysia) 3 April 2009 John Teo comments that the United States has startlingly owned up to the fact that sanctions against Myanmar not only made its rulers more obstinate, but has caused the US to lose all influence in that country. Western nations imposing sanctions on Myanmar compounded their condescension with a blithe disregard for the opinion of other Asian powers. In this hard-hitting critique of "the sheer stupidity of the sanctions policy" by the West whose good intentions are wasted on elaborate preaching and moralising antics, the writer nonetheless expresses the hope that perhaps it is still not too late to bring in Western countries. Hannah Beech, reporting from Rakhine and Kachin States, observes that the Western dialogue over what to do about Burma's repressive military regime is often framed as a single dilemma: whether or not to impose international sanctions. The debate is polarizing. The pro-sanctions crowd claims the moral high ground, deploring the enrichment of a clutch of ethnocentric Burmese generals whose impulses are most brutal against the roughly 40% of the population that, like the villages of Arakan state, is composed of ethnic minorities. The engagement side preaches practicality, arguing that some investment will trickle down to the populace and that cultural exchange is better than imposed isolationism. The truth about Myanmar is that the sanctions debate is immaterial. While American and European foreign policy thinkers ponder how to financially strangle an army government that has ruled since 1962, Burma's regional neighbours are embarking on a new Great Game, scrambling to outdo each other for access to this resource-rich land. Limitations of the global human rights paradigm Morden Pedersen, Research Fellow at the Centre for International Governance and Justice at the Australian National University, observes that Burma’s problems have been greatly compounded by the long-standing isolation of the country, its rulers and its people from the world. Despotism flourishes in backward and isolated societies. More, not less, international linkages are needed to further the socialization of the regime into international norms and strengthen capacity across the state, civil society and the private sector to overcome the deep structural obstacles to progress. He concludes that we need more debate, not less. But mainly we need better debate, which challenges policymakers to think harder about ends and means and which forces everyone to take greater account of the realities on the ground in Burma and the impact international actions have on people there. Sanctions may feel morally just, but in this case they are neither effective nor even ethical. Extract from "Security and Sustainable Development" by Dr Helen James, published in 2006: Chapter 5 "Myanmar and the West - Sanctions, Engagement and Security" Extract on Sanctions in the Comments by Prime Minister General Thein Sein to UN Special Adviser Ibrahim Gambari in Nay Pyi Taw on 3 February 2009 The author, Associate Professor at the Australian National University, seeks to explain why the West has persisted with a policy of sanctions against Myanmar which has demonstrably been not only unsuccessful in inducing the military regime to allow political reform but also seriously counterproductive, not only for Western interests but also for those of the National League for Democracy. A way ahead might lie in the greater involvement of the West in humanitarian and development assistance, which to some extent is now happening, though in 2009 so-called "smart" sanctions impact the population far more than the military regime which is impervious to their message."The UN should make efforts to lift economic sanctions imposed on Myanmar if the organization wants to see prosperous Myanmar with political stability. The Prime Minister said the economic sanctions has damaged human rights and caused unemployment, damaged the economy, social affairs, education, health and living standard of the people. It also has hindered the efforts for building a democratic nation as well as neglected the humanitarian concerns. Besides, the economic sanction has also hindered the efforts for achieving the poverty alleviation which is a goal of the UN. Therefore, the UN should start to lift the economic sanction and restrictions on granting visas. For example, it looks like a person who is forced to run quickly while his legs are tied together. However, Myanmar has taken measures which should be taken as part of efforts for cooperation with the UN." National League for Democracy seek to clarify their position "4. Confrontation, utter devastation, economic isolation and comprehensive sanctions, mentioned in paragraph 7 of State Peace and Development Council Declaration No.1/2007, do not benefit the country or the people..........." "4. Paragraph 7 of the State Peace and Development Council Declaration No. 1/2007 asserts that confrontation, utter devastation, economic sanctions, and total isolation do not benefit the country or the people.........."” [The text of the NLD CEC Statement of Clarification dated 23 February 2009 is attached] Comment: The text of the SPDC Statement No. 1/2007 issued on 5 October 2007 does not in fact say that what we might describe as the Four Deadly Sins "do not benefit the country or the people". The actual text of paragraph 7 of that statement reads: "7. At the courtesy call, State Peace and Development Council Chairman Senior General Than Shwe mentioned Mr Gambari that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been exerting efforts for Confrontation, Utter Devastation, and Imposing All Kinds of Sanctions including Economic Sanction against Myanmar. If she declares to give them up, the Senior General will personally meet her." House of Lords Select Committee on Economic Affairs - 2007 Enquiry into the Impact of Economic Sanctions The main conclusion on Myanmar in the Committee's report is as follows: "Although the FCO details relevant debates and statements on its website, we are concerned that the Government and EU have not published any substantial analysis of the sanctions on Burma. We suggest that Government should undertake an urgent enquiry into sanctions policy on Burma, with a view to deciding whether it is worth continuing with it." 1. Report - Chapter 4 on Targeted and General EU Sanctions - Myanmar 2. Evidence - Pages 170-180 on Myanmar 3. The UK Government's Response to the Select Committee's Report - July 2007 The members of the Committee included two former Chancellors of the Exchequer, a former Governor of the Bank of England, a former Chief Executive Officer of TESCO, the author of a prize-winning three-volume history of the economist Keynes, an economist at the London School of Economics, an Indian-born business magnate, an industrialist and a former Chairman of the Financial Services Authority. The members are both supporters of the Labour, Liberal-Democrat and Conservative Parties as well as "Crossbenchers". We review the Report of the sixteen distinguished members of the Economic Affairs Committee and the subsequent Debate on the Report in the House of Lords on 12 October 2007 (scroll down to Column 460 onwards) to which several non-Committee members of the House of Lords contributed. It is clear that nothing has changed in the intervening twelve months to weaken the unanimous conclusion of all the members concerned, both on the Committee and in the House, that sanctions against Myanmar have singularly failed to improve the situation, have undoubtedly affected the Burmese population as a whole and have made the military regime more unyielding and more determined than ever to press ahead with their constitutional Road Map and to reject political reform. We present a sample of comments from the Debate: Lord Wakeham - The Government maintain that the sanctions are targeted against the military regime with little humanitarian impact. Important measures such as the strong discouragement of trade and tourism are said to be not formal sanctions. This entirely misses the point. The effect is the same - to hurt the Burmese people. Lord Lawson - One of the principal effects of the sanctions has been not merely to harm the Burmese people but to throw the Burmese Government more and more into the arms of China. That is not a great foreign policy triumph either. We must live in the real world. Lord Ramsbotham - I am sorry that his [Aung San] daughter [Aung San Suu Kyi] is calling for people not to go and see the country. I believe that the opposite is needed. Lord Skidelsky - I do not think that the recent events in Burma [August - September 2007] have rendered our view obsolete, though as the noble Lord, Lord Lawson, rightly said, it is very hard to lift ineffective sanctions because it then seems to be a retreat from a position that was useless in the first place but now has to be stuck to because of loss of face in withdrawing it. Viscount Eccles - In essence, the West has opted out of Burma. The sanctions are, in my view, irrelevant. What we are watching reminds me of an ancient Greek tragedy. There is a degree of inevitability. The events will unfold. Nobody can do anything about them. The awful generals are the villains of the piece, but also the victims. Nobody knows what to do, so we retreat into disapproval. This in no way measures up to the needs of the Burmese or the interests of the western world. Lord Howell - Sanctions are much argued about, particularly on the so-called compassionate left of politics, but have had the opposite results and merely caused enormous suffering among a people who are longing for more contact, not less. UK Policy on Sanctions US Policy on Sanctions Overview of US Policy on Sanctions against Burma Congressional Research Service - August 2008 Text of the Tom Lantos Block Burma (JADE) Act of 2008 Presidential Proclamation No. 8924 of 1 October 2008 House Resolution 898 on Burmese Issues introduced on 6 November 2009 Canadian Policy on Sanctions Overview of Canadian Policy on Sanctions against Burma/Myanmar The Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations of 13 December 2007 Statement by Canadian Foreign Minister Maxime Bernier of 14 December 2007 Australian Policy on Sanctions Overview of Australian Policy on Sanctions against Burma/Myanmar EU Policy on Sanctions European Commission: Overview of Restricted Measures adopted Consolidated List of Measures adopted - Pages 28 and 29 for Myanmar Basic Principles on the Use of Restrictive Measures - 7 June 2004 Guidelines on Implementation and Evaluation - 2 December 2005 Best Practices for Effective Implementation - 24 April 2008 Background Paper on Sanctions by the European Commission - 15 September 2009 Note: the above five overviews (UK, US, Canadian, Australian and EU) do not however include decisions taken since 1988 not to support finance for projects funded by multilateral financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank. Nor do they list actions taken by certain EU government to discourage trade, investment and tourism without formally banning such activities, nor measures taken by individual EU countries outside agreed "Common Policy" criteria, such as the denial of export credit guarantees on grounds of the very high risk perceived, nor the effects of purchasing and investment boycotts launched by activists and lobbyists, often with the support of local and central government, notably in the US and the UK. UN Commission on Human Rights 2000 UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs As the Secretary-General stated in his first report on the Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict (S/1999/957) experience has shown that sanctions can have a highly negative impact on civilian populations, especially on vulnerable groups. Also regional sanctions and embargoes are of concern. Often they are hastily imposed by neighbouring countries and lack clear guidelines regarding the minimization of their humanitarian impact.
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